Wednesday, August 15, 2012

G. Edward Griffin Essay Part 2

In 1937, William E. Dodd, U.S. Ambassador to Germany, made this startling statement (as reported in George Seldes. Facts and Fascism, p. 122):
"A clique of U.S. industrialists is hell-bent to bring a fascist state to supplant our democratic government. . . "
     Carroll Quigley, Georgetown University history professor (deceased), in Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time, 1966, made this claim:
"There does exist and has existed for a generation, an international Anglophile network which operates, to some extent, in the way the radical Right believes the Communists act. In fact, this network, which we may identify as the Round Table groups, has no aversion to cooperating with the Communists, or any other groups, and frequently does so. I know of the operations of this network because I have studied it for 20 years and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960s, to examine its papers and secret record."In addition to these pragmatic goals, the powers of financial capitalism had another far-reaching aim, nothing less than to create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole. This system was to be controlled in a feudalist fashion by the central banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent private meetings and conferences. The apex of the system was the Bank for International Settlements in Basle, Switzerland, a private bank owned and controlled by the world's central banks which were themselves private corporations. The growth of financial capitalism made possible a centralization of world economic control and use of this power for the direct benefit of financiers and the indirect injury of all other economic groups.''

The Grand Deception - Part Two
A Second Look at the War on Terrorism
© 2002 by G. Edward Griffin

As we once again activate our time machine, we find ourselves in the presence of a colorful historical figure. His name is Colonel Edward Mandell House. House was never in the military. The title of Colonel was honorary, granted by the Governor of Texas in appreciation for political services. He was one of the most powerful men in American politics and, yet, virtually unknown to most Americans today. He was the personal advisor to Presidents Wilson and Roosevelt. He was close to the Morgan banking dynasty and also to the old banking families of Europe. He attended school in England and surrounded himself with Fabians. His father, Thomas, made a fortune in the United States as a lending agent for London banks which preferred to remain anonymous. It was widely believed that he represented the Rothschild consortium. He was one of the few in the South who emerged from the War Between the States with a great fortune.
The important thing for our visit in history is that Colonel House was a "king maker" in Texas politics. He personally chose Woodrow Wilson, the most unlikely of all political candidates, and secured his nomination for President on the Democratic ticket in 1912. It was House who convinced the Morgan group, and others with great power in politics and media, to throw their support to Wilson, which is what enabled him to win the election and become the 28th President of the United States.

House was certainly a member of the Round Table and possibly a member of its inner circle. He was a founder of the CFR. President Wilson, in his memoirs, said: "Mr. House is my second personality. He is my independent self. His thoughts and mine are one."
George Viereck was an admiring biographer of Colonel House and approved of almost every aspect of his career. This is what Viereck said: "For seven long years, Colonel House was Woodrow Wilson’s other self. For six long years he shared with him everything but the title of Chief Magistracy of the Republic. For six years, two rooms were at his disposal in the north wing of the White House. It was House who made the slate for the Cabinet, formulated the first policies of the Administration, and practically directed the foreign affairs of the United States. We had, indeed, two presidents for one! … He was the pilot who guided the ship."

As we contemplate a member of the Rhodes secret society, occupying two rooms in the White House, virtually in control of American foreign policy, our time machine finally brings us to World War I. Since our main topic today is war, we must prepare now to comprehend the events we are about to see in terms of the strategy of collectivism: using war to smash the world to bits and then remold it closer to the hearts desire.
The sinking of the Lusitania was the event that, more than any other, motivated the American people to accept the necessity and the morality of getting into World War I. Prior to that time, there was great reluctance. However, when the Lusitania left New York Harbor on May 1, 1915, with 196 Americans on board and was sunk six days later off the coast of Ireland, it became the cause celeb that moved the American consciousness into a war mood against Germany. Americans were outraged at a nation that could viscously and cold-heartedly attack a peaceful passenger ship.

What is not well known about that piece of history is the role played by J.P. Morgan. As you recall, the CFR was described by Professor Quigley as a front for J.P. Morgan and Company. We must remember that Moran was, not only a founding member of the CFR, he was also a member of the Round Table, the inner group directing it, so how does Morgan fit into this?
During World War I, the Morgan Bank was the subscription agent for war loans to England and France. These countries had quickly exhausted their financial resources to raise money for military equipment and supplies to continue the war against Germany. So they came to the United States and asked J.P. Morgan - who was culturally closer to Britain than to America - to be their agent for selling war bonds. The House of Morgan was happy to do that, and it floated approximately $1.5 billion in war bonds on behalf of England and, to a lesser extent, for France.

At this point in history, Britain and France were very close to defeat. The Germans had unleashed a surprise weapon, the U Boat - the submarine - that was new to warfare in those days, and they were sinking the supply ships that carried food and other necessities to the British Isles. The Germans were literally starving the British into submission who, by their own estimate, said they had only about seven weeks of food left. After that, there would be massive starvation in England, and they would have no choice but to surrender.
For the British, there was only one salvation, and that was to have the Americans come into the war to help them. But on the American side, there was a different agenda. What would happen to that $1.5 billion in war loans if Britain and France lost the war? The only time war loans are repaid is when the nation borrowing the money wins the war. Losers don’t pay off their bonds. So Morgan was in a terrible fix. Not only were his friends in England in dire danger, he and all his investors were about to lose $1.5 billion! A very serious situation, indeed.

The U.S. Ambassador to England at that time was Walter Page. Page was far more than just an ambassador. Among other things, he was a trustee to Rockefeller’s General Education Board. It was in that capacity that he played a role in shaping educational policies to promote collectivism in America. However, as Ambassador to England, Page sent a telegram to the State Department, and this is what he said, " I think that the pressure of the approaching crisis has gone beyond the ability of the Morgan financial agency to the British and French governments. The greatest help we could give the allies is such credit. Unless we go to war with Germany, our government of course cannot make such a direct grant of credit."

It is not surprising that there was a great deal of pressure from Wall Street to get the United States into the war. Colonel House became the lead man for this group. He went back and forth across the Atlantic and consulted with the Round Tables in both England and America. He arranged a secret treaty on behalf of President Wilson to bring the United States into the War. The reason for secrecy was that the Senate would never have approved it. There was still strong opposition to war and, had it been revealed that Wilson was engaging in a secret - and unconstitutional - treaty to get the U.S. into war, it would have been politically disastrous to his Administration.

George Viereck, in his book, The Strangest Friendship in History - Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House, said this: "Ten months before the election, which returned Wilson to the White House because he ’kept us out of war,’ Colonel House negotiated a secret agreement with England and France on behalf of Wilson which pledged the United States to intervene on behalf of the Allies. If an inkling of the conversation between Colonel House and the leaders of England and France had reached the American people before the election, it might have caused incalculable reverberations in public opinion."

How did they do it? How did these collectivists maneuver the United States into war? It was not easy, and it came about only after extensive planning. The first plan was to offer the United State as a negotiator between both sides of the conflict. They would position the U.S. as the great peacemaker. But the goal was just the opposite of peace. They would make an offer to both sides that they knew would not be acceptable to Germany. Then, when the Germans rejected the offer, they would be portrayed in the press as the bad guys, the ones who wanted to continue the war. This is how the plan was described by Ambassador Page in his memoirs. He said: "Colonel House arrived … full of the idea of American intervention. First his plan was that he and I and a group of the British cabinet should at once work out a minimum program of peace which he assumed would be unacceptable to the Germans, and that the President would take this program and present it to both sides. The side that declined would be responsible for continuing the war. Of course the fatal moral weakness of the foregoing scheme is that we should plunge into the war, not on the merits of the cause, but by a carefully sprung trick."

The trick eventually evolved into something far more dramatic than deceptive peace negotiations. It called for three strategies in one. They were: aggravate, insulate, and facilitate.
The first stage was to aggravate the Germans into an attack, literally to goad them until they had no choice but to strike back. Much of this was implemented from the British side. For example, Churchill established the policy of ramming German submarines. Prior to that, the code of warfare on the seas required that, if a submarine challenged an unarmed merchant ship, it would fire a shot across its bow. The merchant ship would be expected to stop its engines and it would be given time for the crew to get into lifeboats before the submarine would sink the ship. It was a small humanitarian gesture in the middle of warfare. That is the way it was done until Churchill, as Lord of the Admiralty, ordered all merchant ships, regardless of circumstances, to steam full speed directly toward the submarines and attempt to ram them and sink them. They actually succeeded in doing that a few times. This eliminated the distinction between merchant ships and war ships. Henceforth, all merchant ships had to be considered as war ships. Not surprisingly, Germany quickly adopted the policy of no more warning shots.

When that happened, those seeking to involve the United States in the war had a heyday. Editorializing through the British and American press, they said: "See how evil these Germans are? They sink unarmed ships and don’t even give the crews a chance to get off! It is our moral duty to fight against such evil."
Churchill also ordered British ships to fly American flags so the Germans wouldn’t know if they were really British or American. He wanted German submarines to strike American ships, even if by accident. It was his strategy to do whatever possible to bring the United States into war on the side of Great Britain, and the sinking of an American ship by Germany would have been an excellent way of doing so.

There was plenty of goading from the America side as well. The United States government consistently violated its own neutrality laws by allowing war materials to be sent to Britain and France. Munitions and all kinds of military-related supplies were blatantly shipped on a regular basis. In fact, the Lusitania, on the day it was sunk, was loaded with military arsenal. The Germans knew all along that this was going on. The people in Washington knew it as well. By openly violating their own neutrality laws, they were doing everything possible to aggravate Germany into an attack.

The second prong of the strategy was to insulate. That means to insulate the victims from information that would have allowed them to protect themselves. You can’t have a successful surprise attack if you tell the victims in advance that they are likely to be targeted. It was important not to let any of the Lusitania passengers know that the ship was carrying war materials and was likely to be sunk. They could not be allowed to know that several of its decks, normally assigned to passenger quarters, had been cleared out and loaded with military-related supplies, including ammunition and explosive primers. They could not be informed that they would be riding on a floating ammunition depot. The German embassy tried to warn American civilians not to book passage on that ship. They placed an advertisement in fifty newspapers, mostly along the eastern seaboard, warning that the Lusitania would be in danger, that it was heading into hostile waters, and that Americans should not be on board.

The U.S. State Department contacted all fifty of those newspapers and ordered them not to publish the ad. They threatened that they would be in dire trouble with the government if they did. There was only one newspaper, in Des Moines Iowa, that had the guts to go ahead and run the ad anyway - which is why we know about it today. Unfortunately, an ad in Des Moines was of small value to the people in New York who were actually boarding the ship.

The third prong of the strategy was to facilitate. That means to make it easy for the enemy to strike and be successful. On the morning of the sinking of the Lusitania, Colonel House was in Britain and recorded in his diaries that he spoke with Sr. Edward Gray and King George. They calmly discussed what they thought the reaction of the American people would be if the Lusitania were to be "accidentally" sunk. This is what Colonel House wrote: "I told Sir Gray if this were done, a flame of indignation would sweep America which would in itself carry us into the war."

Four hours after that conversation, the Lusitania entered the war zone where German submarines were known to be active. Designed and built by the British as a ship of war, she had four boilers and was very fast and could outrun a submarine. That means she was vulnerable only to subs that were ahead of her path, not those to the side or behind. This greatly improved her chances for survival, especially with a military escort running ahead. However, this was not to be her destiny. On this voyage she had been ordered to turn off one of her boilers. She was running on three turbines instead of four. At only 75% speed, she was now vulnerable to attack from all sides.

The Juno was a British destroyer, which had been assigned to escort her through those dangerous waters. At the last minute, the Juno was called back by the British Admiralty and never made its rendezvous. Inevitably, the Lusitania, running at reduced speed, and without protection, pulled into the periscope view of the U-20 German submarine. One torpedo was fired directly mid center. There was a mighty explosion. As the Germans were preparing for the second torpedo, much to their surprise, there was a second explosion, and the whole bottom of the ship blew out. Exploration of the wreckage in later years shows that it was an outward explosion. Something inside blew up with a tremendous force, and the great ship sank in less than eighteen minutes.

The strategists finally had their cause. To the unknowing world, this was the dastardly deed of those war-mongering Germans who were sinking passenger ships with innocent American civilians on board. The flame of indignation was ignited and eventually it did sweep America into war on April 16, 1917. Eight days later, Congress authorized $1 billion of taxpayer money to be sent to Britain and France to assist in the war effort. The next day, the first $200 million was sent to Britain and immediately applied to the Morgan debt. A few days later, $100 million was sent to France, and the same thing happened. It was applied to the Morgan debt. By the end of the war, $9.5 billion had been sent to the Allies and applied to the Morgan Debt. Add to that the infinitely higher cost of American blood sacrificed on the alter of collectivism in a war supposedly to make the world "safe for democracy," and you begin to see a different aspect of World War I than has been popularized in orthodox history books - which, incidentally, have been written and funded by collectivists.

We are back in our time machine now and find ourselves at World War II. The parallels with World War I are striking. Britain again was losing the war with Germany. The president of the United States, again, was an internationalist surrounded by Fabians and Leninists. The primary difference was that the center of gravity in the CFR was swinging away from the Morgan group and toward the Rockefeller group. Other than that, things were pretty much the same. Colonel House was still a presidential advisor, but his rooms at the White House were now occupied by Harry Hopkins. Hopkins was not a collectivist agent of the Fabians; he was a collectivist agent of the Soviets. The American people were still opposed to war. However, once again there were secret arrangements at the highest levels of government to maneuver the United States into war without the voters suspecting it. The strategy was to get the Axis powers to strike first, all the while telling and reassuring the American people that their leaders were opposed to war. It was almost an exact repeat of the ploy used in World War I.

On October 30, 1941, in a campaign speech in Boston, FDR made this amazing statement: "And while I am talking to you mothers and fathers, I will give you one more assurance. I have said this before, but I shall say it again and again and again. Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars." FDR repeated that pledge many times, all the while working behind the scenes to get the United States into war. FDR’s speechwriter at that time was Robert Sherwood, who later became a famous playwright. On this topic, Sherwood said: "Unfortunately for my own conscience, I happened to be one of those who urged him to go the limit on this, feeling as I did, that any risk of future embarrassment was negligible as compared to the risk of losing the election."

As FDR was delivering this soothing message to the voters, the American and British military staffs were meeting secretly in Washington D.C., working out the details of a joint strategy. They planned, not only how to get the United States into the war, but how to conduct the war afterward. The resulting agreement was called the ABC-1. It was incorporated into a Navy war plan and given the code name Rainbow Number Five. We now have a great deal of information on this plan although, at the time, it was highly secret. The key for getting into the war was to maneuver the Axis powers to strike first to make it look like the U.S. was an innocent victim. Their first hope was that Germany would attack. If that didn’t work, the fallback plan was to involve Japan.

In an effort to provoke an attack from Germany, FDR sent U.S. Naval ships to escort British convoys carrying war supplies, knowing that they would be targets for German submarine attack. When Germany refused to take the bait, he ordered U.S. ships to actually get into the middle of sea battles between British and German war ships. The strategy was simple. If one walks into the middle of a barroom brawl, the chances of getting slugged are pretty good.

On October 17, 1941, an American destroyer, the USS Kearny, rushed to assist a British convoy near Iceland that was under attack by German submarines. It took a torpedo hit and was badly damaged. Ten days later, FDR made this statement to the nation: "We have wished to avoid shooting, but the shooting has started, and history has recorded who has fired the first shot. In the long run, however, all that will matter is who fired the last shot. America has been attacked. The U.S.S. Kearny is not just a Navy ship. She belongs to every man, woman, and child in this nation…. Hitler’s torpedo was directed at every American."
When it was later revealed that the Kearny had aggressively sought combat, the public lost interest, and FDR dropped the rhetoric. It was time to involve Japan.

The Secretary of War at that time was Henry Stimson, a member of the CFR. In his diaries he said: "In spite of the risk involved, however, in letting the Japanese fire the first shot, we realized that, in order to have the full support of the American people, it was desirable to make sure that the Japanese be the ones to do this so that there could be no doubt in anyone’s mind as to who were the aggressors…. The question was, how we should maneuver them into firing the first shot without allowing too much damage to ourselves. It was a difficult proposition."

How was this done? It was accomplished exactly as in World War I: aggravate, facilitate, insulate. Aggravate the enemy into an attack. Facilitate his attack to make it easy with no opposition. Insulate the victims from any knowledge that would allow them to escape their fate.

For many years, the government denied any knowledge of the impending Japanese attack. Gradually, however, the pieces of the puzzle began to bubble up out of the mire of secrecy and, one by one, they have been assembled into a clear picture of the most monstrous cover-up one can possibly imagine. The smoking gun was discovered in 1995. Author Robert Stinnett found a memo in the Navy Archives written by Lt. Commander Arthur McCollum, who was assigned to Naval Intelligence. The memo was dated October 7, 1940. It was directed to two of FDR’s top naval advisors: Captain Dudley Knox and Capt. Walter Anderson, who was head of Naval Intelligence. This memo was approved by both men and forwarded to FDR for action. The full text is now public information, and a photo of it appears in Stinnett’s book, Day of Deceit; The Truth about FDR and Peal Harbor.

The McCollum memorandum contained an eight-point action plan to implement a two-point strategy. The two points were: (1) Aggravate Japan into a military strike as a matter of economic necessity and national honor on her part; (2) Facilitate the attack by not interfering with Japan’s preparations and by making the target as vulnerable as possible. The memorandum concluded with this phrase: "If by these means Japan could be led to commit an overt act of war, so much the better."
The necessity to insulate the victims from any foreknowledge of the attack was not mentioned in this memorandum but it was not necessary to do so. Obviously, this plan could not succeed if the targeted victims were warned in advance. So, once again, there was the familiar strategy: aggravate, insulate, and facilitate.

Was Japan aggravated into an attack? Judge for yourself. The sale of critical goods from the United States to Japan was suddenly embargoed; commerce was brought to a standstill; Japan’s access to oil from the Dutch East Indies was crippled by U.S. diplomatic pressure on the Dutch government; the U.S. closed off the Panama Canal to Japanese ships; and Japan’s major assets in the United States were seized by the government. In other words, the strategy advanced by Lt. Commander McCollum was followed in every detail. There was a deliberate assault against Japan’s economy and an insult to her national honor. A military response was predictable. The only question was when.

Was Japan facilitated in the attack? There is massive evidence to support that conclusion, but we have time here for only a few examples. A Japanese spy by the name of Tadashi Morimura was sent to Pearl Harbor under the cover of a phony political assignment at the Japanese embassy. The FBI knew that his real name was Takeo Yoshikawa and that he had been trained as a military officer. He had no political experience, so they knew his assignment to a political post was a cover. They photographed him as he came off the ship. They tracked him everywhere he went. They bugged his telephone. They knew what he was doing every minute of the day. Often he would take a car to the top of a hill overlooking the harbor and photograph the location of ships. Then he would use a clandestine radio to send coded messages to Japan giving the exact grid locations for all the ships, the times of their movements, how many soldiers and sailors were on duty, what time they reported, and what time they left the base. All of this information was clearly of military importance and pointed to the possibility of a surprise attack. The FBI wanted to arrest Yoshikawa and send him home, but the Office of Naval Intelligence intervened, with White House approval, saying: Leave this guy alone. He is our responsibility. We’ll handle it. J. Edgar Hoover, who was head of the FBI at that time, objected strongly, and it almost erupted into a contest of inter-agency authority between the FBI and Naval Intelligence. In the end, Naval Intelligence had its way, and Yoshikawa was allowed to continue his mission without even knowing he was being watched.

Just four days before the attack, U.S. Navy Intelligence intercepted this message from Yoshikawa: "NO CHANGE OBSERVED BY AFTERNOON OF 2 DECEMBER. SO FAR THEY DO NOT SEEM TO HAVE BEEN ALERTED. SHORE LEAVE AS USUAL."
On December 6, just one day before the attack, this message was intercepted: "THERE ARE NO BARRAGE BALLOONS AT THESE PLACES - AND CONSIDERABLE OPPORTUNITY IS LEFT FOR A SURPRISE ATTACK."

It was bizarre. Here was an enemy agent gathering strategic information in preparation for a surprise attack on American forces, and people at the highest levels of the United States government were protecting him. They deliberately allowed the flow of information to continue so the Japanese would be successful in their mission.

Another example of facilitating the attack on Pearl Harbor is what was called the Vacant Seas Policy. For many months, the Navy had known from what direction the Japanese were likely to approach, what sea corridor they would use to launch their attack. They even had conducted maneuvers simulating it themselves. One was called Exercise 191 and the other OPORD1. Because of weather patterns, sea currents, location of commercial ship lanes, demand on fuel supplies, and other factors, they knew that the Japanese would approach from the North Pacific Ocean in an operational area between 157 and 158 degrees west longitude. This presented a special challenge. If the crew of any ship had seen a Japanese armada steaming toward Hawaii, they undoubtedly would have used the radio to send word ahead. They would have said: "Hey, there’s something going on here. There’s a fleet of aircraft carriers and destroyers heading your way." That, of course, would have spoiled everything. Also, if the Japanese knew that their approach had been detected, they would have lost the advantage of surprise and might have aborted their plan.

American intelligence was well aware of every stage of Japanese preparations. It was already known that Admiral Nagumo was outfitting his carrier strike force at Hitokappu Bay on the Japanese island of Etorofu. His progress was monitored closely, and daily reports were sent to Washington. His ships departed from Japan and headed for Pearl Harbor on November 25. One hour later, Navy headquarters in Washington initiated the Vacant Seas directive that all military and commercial ships must now stay out of the North Pacific corridor. They were diverted hundreds of miles on a trans-Pacific route through the Torres Straits so there would be no encounter that might alert the intended victims or cause the Japanese to abort their mission.

The next stage in this strategy was to bring the ships of the 7th Fleet home from sea duty and bottle them up inside Pearl Harbor where they could not maneuver or disperse. This, of course, would make them easy targets. To accomplish this over the strong objection of Admiral Kimmel, who was in charge of the Fleet, his superiors in Washington cut back on deliveries of fuel. Without fuel, Kimmel had no choice. He had to curtail training exercises at sea and bring two-thirds of his ships back into port. In his memoirs, published in 1955, he said: "Shortly after I organized the Fleet in three major task forces, I attempted to keep two of the three forces at sea and only one at Peal Harbor. I quickly found that fuel deliveries were falling behind consumption. The reserves were being depleted at a time when it was imperative to increase them. It was this fact, and this alone, which made it necessary to have two task forces simultaneously in Pearl Harbor." A Congressional investigation in 1946 revealed that, just a few days before the attack, Navy headquarters in Washington ordered twenty-one of the most modern ships in the 7th Fleet to leave Pearl Harbor and deploy at Wake and Midway Islands. The aircraft carriers, Lexington and Enterprise were among those ships. This not only left the remaining Fleet with drastically reduced protection, it also meant that the ships anchored in the harbor were primarily old relics from World War I, many of which were already slated to be scrapped. As Secretary of War Stimson had stated in his diaries: "The question was, how we should maneuver them into firing the first shot without allowing too much damage to ourselves." Sacrificing only the old and marginally useful ships was the solution to that problem.

Were the victims at Pear Harbor insulated from information that might have allowed them to protect themselves? Could those thousands of Americans who lost their lives been alerted in time to take defensive action? Or were they deliberately sacrificed on the alter of collectivism because their deaths were needed to create the emotional drama to justify going to war? The answer to this question is not a pleasant one.

Throughout this time, the Japanese were using a combination of military and diplomatic codes. United States intelligence agencies had cracked all of them. For three months prior to the allegedly surprise attack, they knew everything in minute detail. Yet, not one of those messages was ever forwarded to the commanders at Pearl Harbor. In his memoirs, Admiral Kimmel said: "At Pearl Harbor, General Short and I knew only a small part of the political story behind the Japanese attack. Care was taken not to send us the intercepted Japanese messages, which told in great detail each step in the Japanese program…. For three months prior to the attack on the fleet a wealth of vital information received in Washington was withheld from the commanders in Hawaii. The information received during the ten days preceding the attack clearly pointed to the fleet at Pearl Harbor as the Japanese objective, yet not one word of warning and none of this information was given to the Hawaii commanders."

The most important intercept of the Japanese code was obtained on the night before the attack. That message made clear even the exact hour that the strike would come. It was to be 1:00 PM Pearl Harbor time. The intercept was decoded 6½ hours before that. It was rushed to President Roosevelt and his top military advisors for immediate action. Their response was to do absolutely nothing. They sat on it and deliberately let the clock run out.

The military Chief of Staff at that time was General George Marshall, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. Marshall claimed that he was on horseback that morning, riding in the park, and the reason he did not take immediate action was that he didn’t know about the intercept until he arrived at his office at 11:25 AM, Washington time. However, even then he still had 1½ hours before the attack. He could have picked up the telephone and spoken to the Hawaii commanders directly. He could have used any one of several military radio systems designed for exactly such kinds of urgent communications, but he did none of those things. According to witnesses, he read and re-read the intercept and shuffled the paper from one side of his desk to the other while another half hour ticked away. Then, at 11:52, he finally sent a warning to the commanders at Pearl Harbor. The method? It was a commercial telegram sent through Western Union! It arrived six hours after the attack!

Finally we come to the end of our journey through time and arrive at the present. Our leaders today, as before, continue to advocate a world union of nations built on the model of collectivism. As before, they seek to change the social and political structure of the free world to accommodate that goal. And, once again, we find that we are engaged in a war. This time, it is not against a particular nation. We are told it is a war on terrorism. The burning question that now must be answered is this: Is the war on terrorism a repeat of history? Is it merely a grand deception to intimidate and frighten us into accepting the harsh realities of collectivism - and the continued loss of freedom - as a reasonable price for safety in time of war? In other words, is it yet one more implementation of the Fabian strategy to smash the world to bits in order to remold it nearer to the heart’s desire?

Only time will answer that question. We are in the middle of the event, and the facts are still pouring in. We know very little yet compared to what will be known in another few years. In the meantime, each person must answer for himself based on his own level of study and understanding. However, while evaluating the evidence, we need to consider certain facts that are already established. One is that the key figures directing the war on terrorism are members of the Round Table and the Council of Foreign Relations. They are collectivists. They are dedicated to world government based on the model of collectivism. Next, we need to consider that every move they make in this war results in strengthening the power of the United Nations, which is the structure they hope will become the seat of power for their heart’s desire.

The strategy of aggravate, facilitate, and insulate is already clear. For several decades, the United States has been confronted by a steady stream of new enemies. We tend to view that record as a failure of foreign policy, but is it really? Perhaps it is not a failure at all. Perhaps a plan is being implemented that is not readily apparent. Perhaps the plan is to create and then aggravate enemies into an attack, to smash the old order of things, to bring about war and destruction as a necessary step toward the creation of a new world order. That, of course, is a preposterous assumption - just as preposterous as suggesting that there were similar hidden agendas behind World Wars I and II.

Since 1945, the United States has had two powerful adversaries: Russia and China. Both of them have been built and sustained by members of the Council on Foreign Relations who dominate American government and business. In more recent times, the U.S. has chosen sides with Israel against the Arab world, even to the extent of supplying military equipment used against Palestinian civilians. Is anyone surprised that those people hate America? At the time of the attack on September 11, the United States had a quarter-million soldiers in 141 countries. Since the end of World War II, the U.S. has launched attacks against Panama, Kosovo, Albania, Bosnia, Serbia, Iraq, Kuwait, Sudan, Haiti, Granada, Afghanistan, and Somalia, supposedly in pursuit of stopping drugs, or defending freedom, or pushing back Communism. In the great majority of cases these objectives have not been achieved. The single most consistent result has been the building of hostility toward America. These countries are the best enemies money can buy.

Have terrorists been facilitated in their attacks? Since the end of World War II, under the leadership of members of the Council on Foreign Relations, the United States has terminated all of its internal-security agencies. Everything from the House Committee on Un-American Activities, to the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, to the anti-subversion agencies of local police departments; they have all been wiped away. We have opened our boarders to security risks from around the world. People come in from countries that we know are hostile to us, and we make it easy for them to do so.

In the bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, we know now that there were at least four bombs and two teams at work. All we hear about in the media is the one truck bomb detonated in the street; but, according to the testimony of Brigadier General Benton Partin, a military explosive expert, there is no possibility that a fertilizer bomb on the street could have brought that building down. There was a second demolition team that apparently had security clearance to get into the building and was able to strap high-impact explosives around the sustaining pillars, and that is what caused the building to collapse. There was at least one more bomb that did not go off as planned, and it was removed and de-fused by the local bomb squad. This was reported live on Oklahoma City television stations as it happened, and it is fortunate that we have a video copy of those reports because, after the FBI arrived on the scene and took charge of media information, no more mention was ever made of the other bombs. Had this additional bomb been detonated as planned, it is possible that the entire building would have fallen, exactly as with the World Trade Towers several years later.

The FBI had undercover agents working inside many of the terrorist organizations and knew almost everything they did or planned to do. Carol Howe was one of them. She had posed as a loyal member of what was called W.A.R., the White Aryan Resistance, which was a white supremacist organization linked to neo-Nazis and the KKK. Timothy McVeigh, who was convicted and executed for his role in the bombing of the Murrah Building, was a close friend of Andreas Strassmeir, who was one of the leaders of this group. After the bombing, Miss. Howe testified that she had reported to her FBI superiors that members of this group were planning to blow up federal buildings, including the one in Oklahoma City. This did not fit with the FBI’s story that it had no advance warning about the Murrah Building, so the agency responded by claiming that Howe was not an informant at the time she claimed to have made her reports and that she was emotionally unstable. They called her "the poster girl" for "conspiracy theorists." Then they actually charged her for committing such crimes as possession of an illegal explosive device and conspiracy to make a bomb threat. In other words, they attempted to put her in prison for doing exactly the things she was expected to do as an undercover agent. It was an incredible betrayal. Fortunately she was able to prove to a jury that every one of her claims was true and that it was the FBI that had lied on every count. Clearly, this was no longer the same FBI that operated under J. Edgar Hoover during World War II.

The terrorist cell that carried out the first bombing of the World Trade Towers on February 26, 1993, was organized by Sheik Omar Abdel-Rahman. During the 1980s, Rahman had traveled throughout the Middle East calling for Jihad, or "Holy War," against the West. Consequently, he was on the State Department "watch list" of suspected terrorists who were not to be allowed into the U.S. Yet, there he was, and he had entered the country under his real name. How did that happen? It happened because, in July of 1990, the CIA intervened and gave him a visa. Then, when his visa was revoked four months later, the Immigration Service located him and, instead of expelling him from the country, granted him a work permit! That is how he was able to prepare and execute the plan that led to the first bombing of the World Trade Towers. It was the same treatment given to Takeo Yoshikawa at Pearl Harbor fifty-two years earlier.

On September 11, 2001, when the World Trade Towers again became the target of terrorism - this time using hijacked airliners - the official position of the FBI was that the government had no advance warning and that there was no way that the attack could have been prevented. Unfortunately, the facts do not support that claim. For several years prior to that, U.S. intelligence agencies were well appraised that Islamic extremists were plotting attacks against American targets, especially the World Trade Towers and government buildings in Washington, DC. It was well known that these groups were planning to use hijacked passenger airliners to deliver the blows.

One of the earliest pieces of information on that came from the Philippines as far back as 1995. The police had arrested Abdul Hakim Murad when they discovered a bomb-making factory in his Manila apartment. Investigation revealed that he was part of the Osama bin Ladin terrorist network and closely associated with the same group that, six years later, would hijack the planes that flew into the World Trade Towers. Murad confessed that he and his friends were planning an operation called "Bonjinka," which means "loud bang." Bonjinka was a plan to blow up as many as eleven airliners at the same time and fly at least some of them into landmark targets such as the World Trade Center, The TransAmerica Building in San Francisco, the Sears Tower in Chicago, and various government buildings, such as the CIA headquarters and the Pentagon. They had also planned to assassinate the Pope during his visit to Manila later that year. All of that information was turned over to U.S. intelligence agencies and also to the security service for the Vatican.

The FBI had been collecting evidence that international terrorists were attending flight schools to learn how to fly jumbo jets since at least 1995 Much of this had come from foreign governments and from professional analysis by terrorism experts. However, by 2001, the information was far more specific. It involved names, dates, and actual places. For example, two months before the fateful attack against the Twin Towers and the Pentagon, Kenneth Williams, who was a counter-terrorism agent in the Phoenix office of the FBI, requested permission from his superiors to canvass all flight schools in the U.S. to see if any of their students fit the profile of potential terrorists. His memo was approved by his supervisor and forwarded to FBI headquarters for action. Williams included with his memo an update of his investigation of eight Arabs who then were taking flight training at the Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University in Prescott, Arizona. Williams reported that one of those students had a picture of bin Ladin on his wall, while another had been in telephone contact with a known al-Qaeda supporter. In view of the flood of information about terrorists planning to use planes as bombs, Williams felt that his request was a prudent and relatively simple precaution. Incredibly, the request was turned down. The stated reason was that the Bureau did not have enough resources to implement it.

Here is another example. On August 13 of 2001 - just four weeks before the attack on 9-11, the Pan Am International Flight Academy, located in Eagan, Minnesota, called the FBI to report that one of its students was acting suspiciously. They said that Zacarias Moussaoui claimed to be from France but, when French was spoken to him, it was clear he did not know the language. He had requested Boeing-747 flight simulator training but only wanted to know how to steer the plane, not how to take off or land. He also had asked how much fuel was on board a jumbo jet and how much damage that would do if it hit anything. It was quickly determined that Moussaoui was in the country illegally, so the next day he was arrested and held for deportation.So far so good, but that is where the matter stopped. When FBI agents of the local counter-terrorism team requested permission to investigate Moussaoui’s activities, their request was denied from Washington. They were also denied permission to search his computer or even his apartment. Had that been done, the agents would have discovered that he was in close contact with the terrorists who participated in the 9-11 massacre three weeks later. The chances of thwarting the plan would have been excellent.
According to the January 27 issue of the Washington Post, when Moussaoui was arrested, the FBI already had a five-inch thick file on him. Much of that probably came from the French government, but that means they already knew everything about him, what his intentions were, and who his friends were. In other words, they already had the information they needed to deport him but chose not to do so until they were forced into it by the fact that the flight school had reported his bizarre behavior.

Moussaoui was not the only terrorist at that flight school. Another was Hani Hanjour, who became one of the hijackers on September 11. Officials at the school had raised questions about Hanjour’s inability to speak English, the international language of aviation. When they shared this concern with the Federal Aviation Agency, instead of disqualifying Hanjour from further training, the FAA sent a representative to sit in on a class to observe him and then requested school officials to find an Arabic-speaking translator to help him with his English.

The refusal of FBI headquarters to allow local counter-terrorism agents to do their job at first baffled them and, eventually, drove them to desperation. One of them even put her career on the line by publicly blowing the whistle on her superiors. On May 21, 2002, Coleen Rowley, a Special Agent at the Minneapolis office, sent a scathing letter to the Director of the FBI, Robert Mueller, accusing him and others at FBI headquarters of gross negligence and deceit in handling the war on terrorism. In the single-spaced, thirteen-page letter, which was released to the public a few days later, she said: "The issues are fundamentally ones of INTEGRITY and go to the heart of the FBI’s law enforcement mission and mandate." She said that her application for a warrant to search Moussaoui’s computer had been deliberately altered by her superior in Washington so it would not pass the necessary legal review. She said that headquarters "continued to almost inexplicably throw up roadblocks and … brought up almost ridiculous questions in their apparent effort to undermine" her efforts to obtain a search warrant. She also pointed out that, after the 9-11 attack, the same FBI supervisor who was most responsible for stopping the investigation was actually promoted to a job with more responsibility.

After all this struggle on the part of local FBI agents to be allowed to investigate known and suspected terrorists in flight schools, and after continuing efforts by FBI headquarters to prevent any such investigation, FBI Director Robert Mueller faced the press on September 15, 2002, and, with a straight face, said this: "The fact that there were a number of individuals that happened to have received training at flight schools here is news, quite obviously. If we had understood that to be the case, we would have - perhaps one could have averted this."

Why did the FBI not act to prevent the bombing of the Murrah Building when it had prior information that it was being planned? Why would it betray its own agent in order to deny that such information existed? Why would the CIA make it possible for terrorists to operate freely on American soil? Why would the FBI prevent its own agents from investigating known and suspected terrorists at U.S. flight schools? None of this makes any sense unless we understand the strategy of facilitating an enemy, unless we recognize the role of war in the building of that heart’s desire called collectivism, unless we understand that horrendous acts of terrorism are Fabian hammer blows to society that soften the public mind to meekly accept the expansion of government power supposedly for our protection and safety.

There are many who cannot bear the burden of this knowledge. They will prefer the reassuring analysis offered by the CFR-dominated media. They will dismiss all of this as conspiracy theory and claim that none of it is proof.

In one sense, they will be right. There is no such thing as absolute proof. There is only evidence. Proof may be defined as sufficient evidence to convince the observer that a particular hypothesis is true. The same evidence that is sufficient to convince one person may be insufficient for another. The case may be proved to the first but not to the second who still needs more evidence. The purpose of this presentation has been to introduce at least some of the evidence, hopefully enough to convince you that it is worthy of further examination.

Having doubts about evidence reminds me of a story about a man who was worried that his wife was unfaithful. He told his friend about it and said, "I have doubts, doubts, always doubts." His friend said, "Why do you have doubts?" He replied, "Well, every day she gets all dressed up, puts on perfume, leaves the house about noon and doesn’t get back until five or sometimes six, and I don’t know where she goes. I just can’t help having doubts, doubts, always doubts." His friend said, "Why don’t you put an end to your doubts? Why don’t you follow her to see where she goes?" The husband thought about that for a moment and said, "OK, I’ll do it." So the next day he and his friend got together in the friend’s car and waited down the street at the end of the block. Sure enough, at about a quarter of twelve, his wife came out of the house, all gussied up, got in her car and headed into town. They followed her at a discreet distance to a quaint restaurant. As she entered, she was greeted at the door by a handsome young man. They embraced affectionately and then went inside, hand-in-hand. The husband and his friend peered through the window of the restaurant and observed that the couple was laughing and drinking Champaign and holding hands across the table. When it was time to leave, the two men jumped back into their car and observed from a distance. The wife got into the handsome young man’s car and, of course, the husband and his friend followed. Eventually, the couple pulled into a motel and checked into a room, and the two men hid in the bushes just outside. As they were looking through the window of the room, they saw the couple tenderly embrace for a long moment. Next, the woman loosened the young man’s tie. Then she walked over to the window and closed the drapes. Whereupon the husband turned to his friend and said, "There you see? Doubts! Doubts! Always doubts!"

It’s time now to enter the reality zone. It’s time to put doubt and denial behind us. Behold the grand deception. The war on terrorism is a war on freedom. It is the final thrust to push what is left of the free world into global government based on the model of collectivism. Its purpose is to frighten us into abandoning our freedoms and traditions in exchange for protection from a hated and dangerous enemy. This ploy has been used two times before. Each time it moved us closer to the final goal, but was not sufficient to achieve it in full. This time it is expected to be the final blow.

We have allowed this to happen because we have been denied the knowledge of our own history, and so it seems that we are doomed to repeat it. But all that can be changed. In the twilight zone from which we have emerged, it is said that knowledge is power. But in the reality zone, we know that is a myth. Men with great knowledge are easily enslaved if they do nothing to defend their freedom. Knowledge by itself is not power, but it holds the potential for power if we have the courage to use it as such, and therein lies our hope for the future. If we act upon this knowledge, it is an opportunity, not just to know about history, but actually to change its course. The big question I leave with you is "how?" Is there anything we can do, especially at this late date to change the course of history? My answer is a resounding "YES!" Is anyone interested?
That will be the topic of my next presentation. In the words of Victor Hugo, it is an idea whose hour has come.

1 comment:


    there are very few researcher/writer/producers out there that manages to side step the hype and bull and zero in on facts....

    I am guilty of handing some of the bull off too because I sort of view all this as a relay race.... Not everyone on the relay team is the strongest and fastest.... several runners try and just maintain a pace....

    We have people who aren't even in the race, not even near the ball park.... and to get them in the game I sometimes use a G Edward Griffin, Alex Jones or Ed Chiarini to try and get people interested.... the idea that we are being lied to and it matters.... but many of the truthers are also lying to redirect truth...

    So it is important to state what Clint Richardson's latest article states... in this article he points out some of the myth and legend in the stories we try and lure our friends and family into the fight with...

    Some people like Clint have a gift for details and tirelessly strive for truth.... while others like myself push the car, pitch in with whatever strength we have, but are not the closer, not the strongest researcher on the team.... my strength is in concepts and motivation.... and I have neglected to make points such as why are guys like G Edward Griffin so out front in such a clean untouched manner... why is Alex Jones the conduit for every event.... why is the money masters and Bill Still and Loose Change and all sorts of other truth tools at the top of google?

    People like myself who experience censorship notice what gets millions of views and what doesn't....

    Though these names are players who can get you into the ball park.... certain players are specialists.... the right person for the job.... the right pitcher, the right defensive fielder... We need to look at the sum total of the parts and identify weak links and ask why....

    Clint Richardson is doing pretty solid work and it is way easier for me to point to his work than to try and say what he has already said. My point being, look at what I present but don't reject it or run with it as bull or gospel.... hone your own analytical skills and find your strength to contribute to this ever growing population of decent people seeking justice, fairness, facts and balance.